Moldova, one of the smallest countries to have emerged from the former Soviet Union, is going to the polls on Sunday.
These will be Moldova's fifth parliamentary elections since gaining independence in 1991. The new parliament will then, in its turn, elect the country's president.
Despite being the poorest nation in Europe, Moldovans seem more preoccupied with the slogans of European integration than with their own economic plight.
This tone is being set by all the main political parties, who see the solution to their country's many woes primarily in closer ties with Europe.
In their quest for European integration, Moldovans are supported by their closest neighbours, the Romanians.
The Moldovan and Romanian languages, culture and customs are virtually identical.
However, a natural umbilical cord linking these two countries was crudely cut by Stalin and Hitler's carve-up of Europe.
In June 1940, Moldova, sandwiched between Romania in the west and Ukraine in the east, was annexed by the Soviet Union.
In many respects its problems today stem from the pre-World War II collusion of two dictators.
Split nation
Moldova's economy was crippled by a civil war in 1992.
Q&A: Moldova elections
Moldovans, who live mainly to the west of the river Dniester, split from the Russians and Ukrainians on the east bank as the prospect of reunification with Romania loomed large.
The breakaway Trans-Dniester region unilaterally declared its independence.
Although much smaller than the rest of Moldova, in Soviet times the region generated 40% of Moldova's GDP and 90% of its energy - mainly through hydro-electric power.
Still unrecognised internationally, Trans-Dniester is widely seen as a smugglers' paradise, illicitly trading in drugs, weapons and other contraband.
By closely aligning itself with Europe, Moldova hopes to regain control of the rebel region.
Communists' U-turn
The Moldovan President, Vladimir Voronin, is a Communist. He was elected in 2001, promising to foster much closer links with Moscow and declaring Russian to be the second state language.
However, half-way through its term his government made a spectacular U-turn.
It has almost completely distanced itself from Moscow, abandoned its pledge on the Russian language and embraced the idea of much closer links with Europe - which Moldova's opposition parties have been advocating all along.
Many observers predict that, having effectively stolen the opposition's political clothes, the Communists will secure continuing dominance in parliament in the 6 March election.
And that despite the government's poor economic record and widespread dissatisfaction caused by corruption, crime and low living standards. So a repetition of the Georgian and Ukrainian scenario seems rather unlikely.
However, this does not exclude the possibility of mass protests after the elections by the disjointed opposition parties. They feel upstaged and already claim that the ruling party has denied them free access to the media.
Opposition
Apart from the Communists, the Christian Democrats (PPCD) headed by Iurie Rosca are poised to get a significant share of the votes.
Mr Rosca has already secured official permission to organise "meetings with the electorate" in Chisinau for two weeks after polling day.
Other important players who have a realistic chance of clearing the 6% barrier are:
The Communists currently hold 71 of the 101 seats in parliament - a majority that could be dented in the elections.
But the Communists are still expected to retain their hold and, in accordance with the Moldova's constitution, elect the president.
Over the past 15 years Moldova has hit the headlines as the country where some people, in order to survive, have either had to sell their organs or move abroad as guest-workers.
Whoever wins the election is going to face a mammoth task to make sure that Moldova loses its lamentable status as poorest nation in Europe.
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