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By Kit Fraser
Political correspondent, BBC Scotland
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On 11 September, 2007, the 10th anniversary of "D Day" - the devolution referendum - has sparked more than a few memories.
Donald Dewar was Scotland's first first minister
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With the advantage of hindsight, and in the early days of the third Scottish Parliament, it is easy to accept devolution as the "settled will of the Scottish people."
But right up to the vote, even the most committed campaigners were uncertain that Scotland would back home rule.
Ten years ago, as the votes came in from across Scotland, this was the point at which devolution campaigners could finally believe they had won.
But as the current First Minister Alex Salmond recalls, even in the last throes of the campaign, it had not been viewed as a foregone conclusion.
"There was, right to the very final stages, particularly among those who'd experienced '79 in a leadership role, a real uncertainty about whether Scots would deliver on the day," he said.
Eighteen years earlier, it was the Callaghan government's own sceptics who engineered the defeat of the devolution campaign. Labour MP George Cunningham invented the idea of a 40% rule - a simple victory on turn out would not be enough.
It required 40% of the electorate to vote "Yes" - and they didn't.
Tory MP Sir Malcolm Rifkind said: "It's not unreasonable to say 'unless a substantial proportion of Scots actually want it to happen, then it shouldn't'."
But it was enough for the SNP to stop propping up the Callaghan government, which led to Mrs Thatcher coming to power.
Constitutional reform was not the sort of change the Iron Lady envisaged - but her policies would conspire unconsciously to revive devolution.
Liberal grandee Sir David Steel said: "The advent of the poll tax, which came to Scotland a year before England, and was eventually dropped because it was so unpopular in England, the reaction against that and against the Conservative government with the Conservative members at each election gradually losing seats, meant that the various bodies that wanted to secure a Scottish parliament got going again."
As the Tories continued to confine Labour to the opposition benches, John Smith succeeded Neil Kinnock, bringing with him the conviction that devolution was "unfinished business" and "the settled will of the Scottish people".
Tory activity fuelled talk of devolution, Sir David Steel claimed
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Tragically, he would not live to fulfil his dream, but Tony Blair quickly made clear that his New Labour agenda did include home rule - but not without another referendum.
BBC Scotland's political editor Brian Taylor said: "It was vicious within the Labour party.
"There were sections of the Labour party who resented a referendum. They particularly resented there being a second question on taxation and they resented the suspicion that they had that it had come from London, from Tony Blair, rather than coming from the Scottish party."
"I'm only asking that the Scottish people give their consent as to the future government of Scotland," Mr Blair had said.
1997 brought a Labour landslide and, according to Alex Salmond, the approach of the new Scottish secretary ensured the Tories would stand alone against devolution.
The death of Princess Diana interrupted the campaign but the postponement of the vote was narrowly avoided. And the rest is history.
But it is Paul Grice, then a senior Scottish Office civil servant, now Holyrood's chief executive, who best sums up those heady hours 10 years ago.
"I've worked on some major policies, but policies come and policies go. This felt like a permanent shift and it was exhilarating to be part of that."
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