By political correspondent Nick Assinder

Less than a decade ago the word "sleaze" did not exist in the British political dictionary.

Voters may always have been suspicious of politicians' motives, and there had been incidents - such as Lloyd George's habit of selling gongs and Harold Wilson's infamous "lavender list" of resignation honours - that appeared to confirm their worst fears.

But, for the most part, it was generally accepted that British politicians were honest, honourable and untainted by corruption.

That impression was finally blown apart in the last years of John Major's administration when the cash-for-questions scandal dominated the political scene and contributed to the historic downfall of the Tory party in the 1997 general election.

It was the end of innocence in British politics and the image of frontbencher Neil Hamilton taking cash backhanders in brown envelopes from Harrods owner Mohamed al-Fayed took a firm hold in voters' imaginations - and it has proved impossible to shift.

Bottom of the polls

Finally, there was apparent proof that politicians really were as corrupt and untrustworthy as the cynics had always believed.

No wonder voters always put them near the bottom of popularity polls, along with journalists and estate agents.

The Hamilton scandal - which recently saw the disgraced former MP losing a libel case against Mr al-Fayed - traumatised the Tories in 1994 and has continued to haunt British politics. Mr Major acted swiftly and created the committee on standards in public life, charged with the task of examining "current concerns about standards of conduct of all holders of public office, including arrangements relating to financial and commercial activities".

The committee, then under the chairmanship of Lord Nolan, was to recommend action to "ensure the highest standards of propriety in public life".

It was too much for many "honourable members" who found it deeply insulting that their integrity should be open to any question.

And most believed the committee would have a limited life span and, after rooting out the odd incident where an MP had fallen short of exemplary behaviour, would wither away.

Five years on it is still going strong and there is no sign of its activities coming to an end.

It has dealt with a wide range of subjects other than financial wrongdoing, including the conduct of ministers, civil servants and advisors.

Ministers resigned

And during that time it has witnessed some of the most extraordinary incidents from alleged corruption to perjury by a former minister.

Two New Labour ministers have been forced to resign over their financial activities and a third has gone because of his sexual antics.

The opposition has been rocked by a long-forgotten scandal and persistent allegations about where they get their money from.

Half a decade after the committee was created it appears that, far from getting better, things have got far worse.

Just three months after squeaky-clean New Labour was elected to power, Tony Blair was forced to go onto television and ask voters to trust him.

He had been accused of being ready to trim the government's policy on tobacco advertising after Formula One boss Bernie Ecclestone donated £1m to Labour coffers.

The prime minister insisted he was a "pretty straight guy" who would never do anything improper.

And he asked people to accept he was still the same person they "believed in" at the election.

Upmarket home

The current committee chairman Lord Neill told him to give the money back, which he did, but there was worse to come.

There was the "Drapergate" scandal where a former aide to then minister Peter Mandelson, Derek "Dolly" Draper, was accused of boasting to clients of his new lobbying business that he could introduce them the most powerful people in government.

Then, probably the most damaging, was the revelation that Mr Mandelson had been given a preferential loan by millionaire paymaster general Geoffrey Robinson to allow him to buy an upmarket home he couldn't otherwise afford.

Mr Mandelson tried to hold on to his job - for a day - but was then forced to resign. Mr Robinson went shortly after.

The affair sent shockwaves through the government and it's image was badly tarnished.

Meanwhile, Welsh Secretary Ron Davies got into all sorts of trouble after taking a walk on Clapham Common - a notorious gay haunt - and refusing to reveal what he was up to.

He finally admitted to being bisexual, but only after his political career was destroyed.

The Tories suffered their fair share of turmoil as well.

The Hamilton affair refused to go away and continued to cast a shadow over the party, despite William Hague's instance that he would not put up with any sleaze.

There were constant demands to know where the party got its cash from which came to a head over allegations about party treasurer Michael Ashcroft, who is based in Florida but who bankrolls the party to the tune of £1m a year.

And, of course, there was the 13-year-old Lord Jeffrey Archer scandal which came back to haunt the Tories. The official Tory candidate for London mayor was forced to admit he had cooked up a false alibi to cover him for the night he had been accused of sleeping with a prostitute more than a decade previously.

Released from prison

He quit as mayoral candidate but the scandal sent the Tories into shock.

And former minister Johnathan Aitken has just left prison after being jailed for perjury.

At the same time, the government has constantly been accused of abusing its power and turning Whitehall into a New Labour propaganda machine.

So, five years after the committee was created there appears to be plenty to keep it occupied.

It has investigated MPs, civil servants and special advisers, local government and other public bodies and the funding of political parties.

It has made more than 300 recommendations, many of which have been taken up by the government.

And it has gained an enviable reputation as a powerful watchdog.

What all the committee members would undoubtedly agree on, however, is that they would like to do themselves out of a job by ensuring politics really was squeaky clean.

But at the current rate, there seems to be little chance of that.