How would Brown change things?

After Tony Blair announced a departure date, BBC News correspondents look at what he has achieved in office and what might change under Gordon Brown, who is seen as his most likely successor.

ECONOMY, BY EVAN DAVIS, ECONOMICS EDITOR

Tony Blair has been happy to leave the economy to his Chancellor, and both of them have been happy for the Bank of England to take much of the responsibility for day to day management of it.

The government has enjoyed an unprecedented era of stability and growth in the economy, which can partly be attributed to low inflation globally.

The government's years in office have been characterised by the feel-good factors of low interest rates, high consumer spending, soaring house prices and booming consumer debt.

No-one would expect the management of the economy to change much under a Brown premiership.

For example, the UK has chosen not to enter the euro, despite the enthusiasm of the prime minister for membership.

There is little reason to think the Chancellor will now rush to enter, or alter the rules he has himself framed, for fiscal and monetary policy.

What might change, are the external economic circumstances facing the government.

Who knows what Gordon Brown and his new Chancellor would do, if the relatively benign era we've enjoyed turns nasty, house prices fall, or consumer debt looks unaffordable.

PENSIONS, BY EVAN DAVIS, ECONOMICS EDITOR

It was only during the life of this government, that it became clear the country was not saving enough for its pensions.

A solution has been agreed, with Tony Blair and Gordon Brown in principle committed to raising the basic state pension in line with earnings, raising the age at which you get it, and introducing a new kind of default pension saving scheme for those who do not have anything better for themselves.

However, Mr Brown is far less keen on the proposal to raise the basic state pension than Tony Blair.

And he may seek to delay the 2012 target date at which it starts rising in line with earnings.

Which means that a Brown government might involve more people falling into means-tested pension credit, than would be the case if Tony Blair was running the show.

EDUCATION, BY MIKE BAKER, EDUCATION CORRESPONDENT

Tony Blair wants his legacy to be the abolition of what his former spokesman described as 'bog standard' comprehensives.

He is almost there in England, although his reforms have barely touched the rest of the UK. Most secondary schools now have distinctive labels: specialist colleges, city academies, or foundation schools.

He said the current trust school plans are "pivotal" and hopes they will make the reforms irreversible.

His 'education, education, education' mantra brought more cash but also a cascade of targets, initiatives, and interventions.

Yet a Brown government would be no different; he led the targets culture in public sector reform.

Nor has he dissented from Blair's key reforms: focussing on maths and English, sidelining local councils, and promoting business involvement and job-related skills.

On university policy, while he supported "top-up" fees and the 50% expansion target, he caused embarrassment on admissions when he criticised Oxford's failure to admit a state school student called Laura Spence.

That infuriated university leaders but it was a reminder that Brown is passionate about education as the key driver of greater social equality.

ENVIRONMENT, BY SARAH MUKHERJEE, ENVIRONMENT CORREPSPONDENT

Labour MPs may be saying that they've now had enough of Tony Blair - but many environmental groups have been disillusioned with him for some time.

The high point in green activist/Downing Street relations was just before the start of the UK's G8 presidency last year, when Mr Blair said he wanted to make climate change and Africa his two priorities.

Frankly, it's all gone a bit downhill since then.

The environmental lobby felt that the climate change communique from Gleneagles last year was a watered down cop-out, with language that even George Bush could sign up to.

We are unlikely, activists say, to meet our own targets of a 20% reduction in carbon dioxide emissions by 2010, and there's a danger we will only skim in under our Kyoto obligations.

Carbon dioxide emissions are going up, there are more cars and more flights - and the radical stuff on reducing carbon pollution, they say, is now being done at local not national level, like London's congestion charging.

Not fair, say the prime minister's aides.

He was the first leader to really commit to dealing with climate change - and a lot of the international mood music has changed thanks to him, which, they say, he gets little credit for.

There's no doubt Downing Street wants to find a way of making an international difference on climate change - the question is how long do they have to do it?

Green groups are even more worried about Gordon Brown.

They say he doesn't "get" climate change, and they feel he's taking an interest only because David Cameron has made it such a big issue.

They welcomed extra money for green energy in the budget this year, but, they say, it was only a start.

When green push comes to economic shove, many are wondering how keen the chancellor will be to burnish his environmental credentials, and risk unpopular measures like taxing airlines or significantly increasing road tax on gas guzzling cars.

HEALTH, JANE DREAPER, HEALTH CORRESPONDENT

When it comes to discussing his legacy, Tony Blair will trumpet what's been happening in the NHS.

He'll highlight the billions of extra pounds provided under Labour, and the reduced waiting times for patients.

Mr Blair won't dwell on the £512m deficit run up by the NHS in England last year, and if anyone else mentions it, he'll remind them this is a tiny proportion of overall spending.

Gordon Brown commissioned the Wanless report which helped justify the massive funding increase.

But the extra money runs out in 2008...while there's no sign of any let-up in the financial demands on the service.

Some Labour and trade union activists hope a Brown premiership would slow down the pace of private sector involvement in the health service.

But the chancellor believes that although the market has limits, public services should face challenges from private providers.

Don't expect him to unravel too much of what Tony Blair has set in train.

CRIME, JON SILVERMAN, LEGAL AFFAIRS ANALYST

The Blairite legacy is the 1998 Crime and Disorder Act which introduced the Asbo and the idea that only partnerships - between the police, local authorities and a range of other agencies - could tackle crime.

That gave birth to the Respect Agenda which, for Mr Blair, has become something of a personal crusade.

Though Gordon Brown is less evangelical about addressing the links between dysfunctional families and crime and anti-social behaviour, he is just as convinced of the political benefits to New Labour as is the prime minister.

However, the police may face tighter budgets after 2007 while more money goes into technical solutions to crime such as biometric ID.

CRIMINAL JUSTICE, JON SILVERMAN, LEGAL AFFAIRS ANALYST

Will there be any discernible ideological shift on tackling crime and anti-social behaviour if and when Gordon Brown becomes prime minister?

No.

Since 2001, the Treasury has had almost as big a grip on the Home Office as number 10, influencing spending streams (often rigidly so), and, in effect, being the midwife of the National Offender Management Service, whose mandate is to cut re-offending by 10% by the end of the decade.

In the face of Brownite scepticism about the cost effectiveness of prison, John Reid's pledge to create another 8000 prison places by 2012 may look rather hollow under a Brown premiership.