The agreement between the acting Russian Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin and parliament envisages major changes in the way Russia is governed.

To be fully implemented, it necessitates important amendments being made to the constitution.

The agreement to cede certain presidential responsibilities to parliament is an important gain for the deputies, notably the Communists.

Ever since Russia's post-Soviet constitution was introduced in 1993, they have railed against the way in which it left them virtually impotent when it came to deciding important policy matters.

The constitution was born out of a growing power struggle between president and parliament as to where supreme power lay.

This struggle culminated in President Yeltsin using tanks to blast opposition deputies out of parliament.

Thoughts, not actions

The parliament which was brought into existence at the same time as the constitution was never considered by Mr Yeltsin as a policy-making body.

The name chosen for the lower-house - the State Duma - may have reflected the name of the fledgling pre-revolutionary parliament, but its significance went deeper.

The word "Duma" comes from the Russian verb "to think" and President Yeltsin clearly envisaged the Duma as a place for thoughts, but not actions.

Backing Chernomyrdin

So now by forcing Mr Yeltsin into making concessions - assuming that the president does agree to them - the Communists and their parliamentary allies have substantially increased their role in the decision-making process.

They have done it, too, with the full co-operation of Viktor Chernomyrdin. Not only can he now expect to be approved by parliament as prime minister, but it could also give a boost to his chances of ultimately taking over the presidency from Mr Yeltsin.

If Mr Chernomyrdin can continue a policy of co-operation with the Duma, rather than the confrontation which has marked relations ever since 1993, then even the Communists may be more sympathetic to his bid for the presidency.

End of Yeltsin?

For Mr Yeltsin, simply being in power has always been his first priority.

So even at a time when his grasp of the reality of the situation is slipping, he will be hoping that he has done enough at least to remain in office for two more years.

But, if Mr Chernomyrdin and parliament can continue to co-operate, then both may decide well before that that it would be better for Russia to have a strong president, working with a strong parliament, rather than a president who is a mere figurehead.