Nepal's ageing political leaders have two immediate decisions to make if they are to have any chance of meeting the expectations of the hundreds of thousands of pro-democracy protesters who took to the streets last month.
Hundreds of thousands of people joined the pro-democracy protests
|
Decision one: what to do about the estimated 20,000 Maoist rebel fighters who over the past decade have gained control of up to 80% of the country.
Decision two: what to do about the king, widely blamed for having misread the growing political crisis, and now facing a real prospect of a new constitution that could strip him of his powers - perhaps even abolish the monarchy.
As one Nepali commentator put it, the best solution would be to bring the Maoists in from the cold, and send the king out into the cold.
It won't be easy. But a start has been made: a ceasefire is in place, and both the government and the Maoists have started releasing prisoners.
The government no longer classifies the Maoists as "terrorists"; in return, the Maoists say they will start returning property that they confiscated from villagers during their 10-year insurgency.
Villagers' wrath
After three weeks of deepening political crisis, Kathmandu is now more relaxed than it has been for quite a while. But no-one thinks the battle for a more democratic future has been won.
For one thing, the Maoists will be expected to give up their guns before they are welcomed into the political arena.
Leaders need to listen to the message from the streets
|
Deputy Prime Minister Khadja Prasad Oli told me: "We are trying our best to bring them back into the mainstream of political life.
"But until now the Maoists have believed in violence and the armed struggle - when they give up violence and when they accept peaceful democratic politics, then they will be equal partners."
And that's from a man who belongs to the Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist Leninist). There are other political leaders who are far less well disposed to the men and women with the guns.
I met some of the rebels' victims, demonstrating outside the parliament building.
"We are the victims of Maoist atrocities," one man told me. "I was kidnapped by the Maoists six or seven years ago and I'm still having problems.
"We want immediate compensation, a peaceful solution to the conflict, and we want to go back to our villages."
The demonstrators handed in a petition, claiming that 200,000 people have been forced to leave their homes by Maoist guerrilla fighters.
A woman protester said: "We want the right to return to our villages and for the property that was looted from our villages to be returned.
They have confiscated our shops and locked up our houses. It's been three years since I had to leave my village and it's very hard to make ends meet here in Kathmandu."
Real change
Take a stroll round Thamel, the most touristy part of town - crammed with souvenir shops, cheap hotels and bars - and you see everything except tourists.
There are some intrepid backpackers, heading into the Himalayas, but even they are few in number.
At my hotel, only six of the 70-plus rooms are occupied.
I canvassed some random opinions among shopkeepers close to where some of the biggest protests took place.
Most of them thought the protests had been justified, but they were deeply sceptical about how much real change they will see.
One woman thought the demonstrators were violent hoodlums who had all but wrecked her business.
And the student leader Gagan Thapa, one of the best known of the country's protest organisers, says it's time Nepal's traditional political leaders listened to the message from the streets.
"The people are miles ahead of the political parties," he told me. "It's not like the last time we had pro-democracy protests.
"In 1990 the parties had to convince the people. But now the people are convincing the parties."
The deputy prime minister says there should be elections for a constituent assembly, which would draw up a new constitution, within 12 months. The clock is ticking.