By Patrick Jackson
Russia has recorded no attacks resulting in massive loss of civilian life in the year since pro-Chechen militants seized the school in Beslan.
A new generation of Chechens is growing up amid uncertainty
But in Chechnya itself, civilians continue to suffer as the separatist war grinds on - much of it unpublicised because of Russian media restrictions.
Hardly a night passes without a rebel ambush or a raid by security forces, the latter sometimes only reported by human rights groups.
Chechen refugees may no longer spend the freezing winters in tents. But many remain scattered outside their homeland, dispossessed and often living in atrocious conditions, on former dairy farms, in factories and train carriages.
"There hasn't been a war in Chechnya for three years - the war is over," Russian President Vladimir Putin told foreign reporters late last year.
Yet the violence that has engulfed Chechnya and spread beyond has not receded, and Chechen warlord Shamil Basayev, who claimed the Beslan attack, does not rule out further mass hostage-takings.
As Beslan remembers its lost children, bitterness on both sides continues to drive a particularly brutal conflict.
If the war is over for Vladimir Putin, it has only gone into its sixth year for the new appointed leader of the Chechen rebels, Abdul-Khalim Saydullayev.
In a speech released online last month, he said no political step taken in the West regarding Chechnya was comparable in significance to a single attack on Russian soldiers by Chechen fighters.
"If anybody really thinks the fate of the Chechen people is decided in Strasbourg, Washington or Moscow, they are deeply mistaken," he added.
Mr Saydullayev's speech suggests the rebels now despair of any meaningful outside intervention in Chechnya.
They argue that events like Beslan must be viewed alongside their own civilian losses and accuse Russia of pursuing "genocide".
That term has particularly painful associations after Stalin's mass deportation of Chechens and their Ingush neighbours in 1944 on suspicion of Nazi sympathies.
Tens of thousands of Chechens are thought to have perished before survivors were allowed to return from Central Asia in 1957. The event was a key Chechen argument for declaring independence in 1991, while other regions like Ingushetia and North Ossetia, where Beslan is located, were choosing to remain as autonomous republics.
Russia's indiscriminate bombing and shelling of Chechen towns and villages, particularly during the 1994-96 war, and "dirty war" tactics such as kidnappings, are widely believed to have radicalised Chechens further.
"It is undeniable that 'disappearances', killings, torture and ill-treatment continue to be a frequent occurrence, with abuses attributed to both federal and the various Chechen security forces, as well as Chechen armed opposition groups," Amnesty International's Victoria Webb told the BBC News website.
Adding fuel to the fire, many rebels view the conflict as a religious struggle, regarding themselves as Muslims pitted against a "godless" secular state.
Search for leadership
The death of Aslan Maskhadov in a Russian attack in March meant the loss of a veteran Chechen leader who had negotiated a peace deal before Vladimir Putin came to power.
Gun and bomb attacks still rattle Chechnya's towns and countryside
He denounced the Beslan attackers as "madmen," while arguing that brutality by Russian troops may have driven them out of their senses.
Diederik Lohman of Human Rights Watch (HRW) says the rebels have long appeared to lack strong, central control.
"My sense has always been that it is a lot of loosely affiliated little groups that have more or less the same ideas about what they want to achieve, and use the same methods, but it is not necessarily coordinated," he told the BBC News website.
In his book Inside Putin's Russia, Andrew Jack contrasts Chechen fortunes to those of the neighbouring Ingush, whose success in peacefully forging a republic of their own within Russia he attributes largely to good political leadership at the right time.
Though ever a critic of Moscow's use of force, Ruslan Aushev earned broad respect as Ingush president.
At Beslan, he helped negotiate the release of 26 people, including babies, when he went into the school during the siege.
Minutes before the explosions began on the last day, he was still talking to the hostage-takers by telephone.
An avowed aim of the Kremlin in the North Caucasus - "freedom and justice" - rings hollow for many.
COST OF CHECHEN CONFLICT
At least 40,000 civilians killed in 1994-96 war
At least 10,000 civilians killed since 1999
No clear figures for Russian losses but military deaths thought to at least equal USSR's Afghan toll of 15,000
Data on civilians supplied by Human Rights Watch
Chechnya has become synonymous with a sense of impunity, as Beslan mothers demand prosecutions over the authorities' handling of the school siege, Chechens point to the small number of Russian soldiers prosecuted for human rights abuses and Russians demand justice for Russian civilians targeted under Chechen rebel rule.
At least 400 Beslan residents signed an open letter to the world on the anniversary of the siege declaring: "We do not want to live any longer in a country where human life means nothing."
Amnesty's Victoria Webb says the situation in Chechnya may be "one of the effects of a government policy that only pays lip service to human rights principles".
Russian security forces sent to Chechnya are influenced by two stereotypes: Chechens as criminals and Chechens as terrorists.
Chechens have been seen as playing a disproportionate part in organised crime in Russia's cities, while attacks on airliners and other civilian targets made for a summer of fear in Moscow before Beslan.
Russians who speak of "genocide" in Chechnya usually mean something very different: the fate of the estimated 270,000 Russians and other non-indigenous residents who made up nearly a quarter of Chechnya's population when the USSR broke up.
Largely abandoned by the Russian state, they quickly became scapegoats when the rebels declared independence.
Attempts to properly document the extent of the violence they suffered have run up against a wall of silence in Moscow.
In Chechnya, a few years after the second war began, there were practically no non-indigenous residents left, according to the Russian human rights group Memorial.
Now scattered across Russia, embittered Russian refugees pass on a message of unavenged wrongs.
"Next morning it snowed/After all the firing/The snow killed me/Put out a short life."
Dead City, Russian rock singer Yuri Shevchuk's requiem for Grozny, captures some of the horror of a war in which innocence may look out of place.
According to an HRW estimate, gleaned through field work among Chechen refugees in the absence of reliable figures from Moscow, a total of about 50,000 civilians died in the two wars, about a tenth of them children.
Beslan horrified Chechens too, Diederik Lohman points out, but the question many also ask is: "Where was the world when our children were dying under Russian bombs?"