The conflict that has raged in Chechnya for the past decade has triggered sharply contrasting views.
To mark the 10th anniversary of Russia's massive military assault on the breakaway republic, BBCrussian.com asked 10 prominent politicians, human rights activists, researchers and journalists to comment.
The panel were asked to answer two classic questions that have troubled Russian thinkers for centuries: "Who is to blame?" and "What can be done?"
Alu Alkhanov: Chechen president
Irina Hakamada: liberal politician
Diederik Lohman: HRW researcher
Konstantin Kosachev: Russian MP
Sultan Yashurkayev: Chechen writer
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Tom de Waal: Caucasus expert
Valentina Melnikova: Soldiers' mothers
Mikhail Margelov: Russian MP
Lyoma Turpalov: Chechen journalist
Akhmed Zakayev:
rebel envoy
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KONSTANTIN KOSACHEV, head of the Russian Duma Foreign Affairs Committee
WHO IS TO BLAME?
If we really want to answer the second question - What can be done? - then we should refrain from a deep investigation into the matter of who is to blame. Otherwise we risk starting to look for scapegoats - a method as quintessentially Russian as it is fruitless.
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The different forces mean different and often contradictory things when talking about a political solution
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We are unlikely to find a couple of guilty ones whom we could condemn and then smoothly move forward.
Various historical factors - processes in contemporary Islam, the rapid globalisation of terrorism, the situation in the army and political system, the state of public morale in Russia these days and 10 years ago, the fluctuating world community's stance on Chechnya and much more - intricately and fatally contributed to the Chechen conflict.
Today we should not be looking for the guilty ones. It is more important to answer the question: "who benefits from this conflict?" The answer may turn out to be most unexpected, but it is the key to untying the Chechen knot.
WHAT CAN BE DONE?
The different forces mean different - and often contradictory - things when talking about a political solution. The militants understand this as the unconditional acceptance of their terms. But this is not a political solution. It will be a military capitulation, which, as we know from the lessons of the Khasavyurt peace, spells nothing good for Chechnya and the neighbouring republics.
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After the Beslan massacre, which, incidentally had been promised by [separatist leader Aslan] Maskhadov, these [militant] forces excluded themselves from the political settlement process.
Therefore, Chechnya has no alternative other than a painful, contradictory process of creating Chechnya's political system within the framework of Russian statehood.
It is important that our Western partners, if they sincerely wish us to achieve peace in Chechnya, understand this, and encourage - or at least do not hinder - the inter-Chechen process.