Northern Ireland is known throughout the world as a byword for intransigence and violence.

But in recent years politicians from the two sides to the conflict have embarked on a peace process.

For the first time in nearly 30 years talks have been taking place between most of the main players and the largest Protestant and Catholic paramilitary organisations are observing ceasefires.

The divided island

The basic argument is about identity and nationality, but the sides to the dispute divide, broadly, along religious lines.

The majority of people in Northern Ireland are Protestants and most regard themselves as British and want to remain part of the United Kingdom.

By contrast the Catholic minority tend to view themselves as Irish - most would prefer the border which partitions Ireland to be rubbed out and the island to be united under the tricolour of the Irish Republic.

Irish American sympathies

Both sides can claim with some conviction to be in the right.

Protestant 'unionist' politicians say that as they represent the majority it would be undemocratic to override their wishes.

Catholic 'nationalists' counter that if a referendum had been held throughout the whole island back in the 1920s it would never have been divided, but a majority would have voted for independence from Britain.

This view receives considerable sympathy within the 40 million strong Irish American community.

Seventy years of partition and 28 years of bloody conflict known as 'the Troubles' have sharpened and entrenched attitudes on both sides.

'The Troubles' had their roots in the demand in the late 1960s by Catholics for a fairer deal from the Protestant Northern Ireland government , but the disturbances soon flared into sectarian confrontation.

Soon there was fighting between the British army and the Irish Republican Army and bomb and gun attacks on civilians by both the IRA and their 'loyalist' enemies.

Killing cannot continue

In the last seven years the Northern Ireland peace process has taken shape - a response to the widespread sense the killing could not be allowed to continue.

It was in part a reaction to the great changes in places like Eastern Europe and South Africa and a reflection of the belief, particularly among some leaders of the IRA's political wing Sinn Fein, that politics might be a better vehicle for advancing their aims than violence.

The gunman in the background

The IRA kickstarted the process by announcing an open ended ceasefire in August 1994, but it broke down after 18 months.

Despite a series of IRA bombings in England and Northern Ireland the politicians kept talking.

This was due in no small part to the discipline of Protestant loyalist gunmen who, with a few exceptions, maintained their own truce.

The IRA's decision to restore their ceasefire in July 1997 enabled the present talks between the politicians to get going in earnest.

Unwilling to compromise

The chances for compromise are hard to gauge. The British and Irish governments both favour a measure of devolved government in Northern Ireland, handing back responsibilities and power to local politicians.

London and Dublin would also like to see 'cross-border institutions' which would enable Catholic 'nationalists' to express their sense of being Irish.

As things stand only some smaller parties, such as the Alliance and the Women's Coalition, appear ready to sign up to such a compromise.

Sinn Fein and other Catholic nationalists are likely to want to beef up links with Dublin while Protestant unionists are likely to try to water down such proposals.

Loyalist rally in Belfast

Finding a solution will not be easy.

The Democratic Unionists - the third biggest political party in Northern Ireland - has already withdrawn from the peace talks and paramilitary splinter groups on either side appear intent on continuing violent attacks.

Population statistics indicate Northern Ireland's Catholic minority is growing and some experts believe Catholics could outnumber Protestants some time in the first half of the 21st century.

That will not necessarily have an immediate constitutional impact as a minority of Catholics favour Northern Ireland remaining part of the UK.