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Friday, 9 June, 2000, 18:25 GMT 19:25 UK
North Korea: A political history
When Kim Il-sung died in July 1994, North Koreans had never known anything else.
The 'Great Leader' had shaped and dominated political and economic affairs for almost half a century.
The outpouring of grief was extraordinary: a product of decades of exposure to a grotesque cult of personality.
Indeed such has been the isolation of this tiny country that it may be many years before North Koreans realise the true legacy of the Kim Il-sung years, and how far and how fast their fortunes have fallen.
Cold war warriors
The northern half of Korea was born on 9 September 1948 amid the chaos following the end of World War II.
Supported by the Soviet Union, the charismatic Kim Il-sung embarked on a series of popular social and economic reforms, including the redistribution of land and nationalisation of Japanese property.
This gave the communists considerable support, while simultaneously driving many of the skilled and richer parts of the population to the South.
The subsequent Korean War was the result of irreconcilable political differences between Communist North Korea and the US-controlled South.
Neither the Soviet Union, which had occupied North Korea in 1945, nor the USA could bear the peninsula falling into the other's hands, and the formal division of Korea in 1948 set the stage for military conflict.
The war lasted from 1950 to 1953, causing devastating human losses and eventually more distant relations with the Soviet Union, especially after Stalin's death in 1953.
From self-reliance to self-destruction
With support from the Soviet Union less assured, Kim Il-sung in the 1950s, began a move towards "self-reliance" or Juche.
This led to some industrial success and good economic growth but by the 1970s a combination of higher oil prices and a growing technology gap had undermined the strategy.
In 1980, the country defaulted on all of its loans, except those from Japan. By the late 1980s output was declining by more than four per cent a year.
But even then Kim Il-sung refused to countenance opening the country to foreign investment or allow private enterprise.
The result has been years of stagnation and an increasingly out of touch leadership, entirely dependent on the cult of personality and more and more concerned over the issue of political succession.
When Kim Il-sung died, his son, Kim Jong-il, took control as head of the armed forces, but did not immediately assume his father's titles of state president and general secretary of the Korean Workers Party. Analysts saw the delay as a sign of weakness.
Rumours of a power struggle were confirmed with the defection of senior ideologue Hwang Jang Yop in February 1997.
Mr Hwang fled to the South Korean embassy while on a trip to Beijing on 12 February 1997.
In the following weeks, the prime minister was replaced and the defence minister died suddenly.
Kim Jong-il eventually took the title of General Secretary of the Communist Party in October 1997.
In September 1998 his position as head of armed forces was widened to encompass the powers of head of state while the post of president was assigned "eternally" to his father Kim Il-sung.
The army remains the main danger to Kim Jong-il, but he has been careful to woo them since coming to power and he has promoted generals above members of the Korean Workers Party.
He has also promoted a number of relatives: his brother in law Chang Song Taek holds a senior position, as does a cousin, Kim Jong U.
Prospects for the future
The country's fundamental economic difficulties, its inability to feed itself and the internal political contradictions imply it is no longer a question of if the regime collapses but when.
However, a rapid disintegration could have a number of dangers for North Korea's neighbours and for the US which maintains a military presence in the South. A number of scenarios have been discussed.
The collapse of the North could lead to a serious escalation of tension between China and the United States.
US Defence Secretary, William Cohen, has said that it would be necessary for the 37,000 American troops to stay on after unification.
Such a prospect would cause deep unease in Beijing as would the emergence of a stronger unified Korea.
North Korea is the world's last outpost of Stalinism. Communist ideology remains strong after years of indoctrination.
The support of China may prevent the country's immediate collapse but there is little sign that the leadership in Pyongyang is ready to embark on any fundamental reforms that could save their people from further misery and turmoil.
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