|
|||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
|
Wednesday, January 14, 1998 Published at 08:30 GMT UK: Politics Tories to give power to their people ![]() Hague: determined to resurrect Tory fortunes
Tory MPs are holding a ballot on new proposals designed to give their local activists a greater say in the running of the party.
The Tories' annual conference in Blackpool last year revealed the extent of the differences between MPs and grass-roots activists. During the conference, calls to keep most of the power with MPs were roundly booed. Lord (Jeffrey) Archer got huge applause when he voiced his opinion that party members to have a greater say in its affairs.
As with many reform processes the differences are partly political but also generational. Party activists are generally loyal and relatively right-wing. Many were horrified by the infighting that spiralled out of control following the ousting of Margaret Thatcher - and which still persists in the form of arguments over Europe.
For this they blamed their MPs. A widespread view from the conference floor was that it was the MPs, and not the party faithful, who had messed things up. Most MPs could hardly disagree.
There is some irony here: The most 'troublesome' MPs in the run up to the election were those on the right of the party who constantly opposed the then leadership's relatively moderate - 'Wait and see' - line on Europe and the single currency. However, since William Hague took over the leadership in June, the party has adopted a more Euro-sceptic stance. So many in the party who are now held in high esteem, and thought to be "correct" on Europe, are in some cases those deemed to have been troublesome and disloyal under the previous leadership.
It seems likely that MPs will agree that future leaders should be elected by 'One
Member One Vote' (OMOV) ballot, although it will remain up to MPs to trigger the contest (with a vote of 'no confidence') and make the initial nominations. This will break a deep seated traditional Tory belief that only those involved in the parliamentary process can be qualified to judge who is best able to lead.
It will give the Tories, in this one regard, a constitution almost as democratic as the ultra-democratic Liberal Democrats. Add to this a growing tendency to put major issues to party plebiscites, and the once very hierarchical Tories begin to look very different from their patrician forebears.
The effect of this, at the moment at least, would be to help those on the right of the party and the Euro-sceptics in particular. Their factions are well-organised,
well-funded and very active compared to the virtual non-existence of grass-roots activity on the left.
Pro-Europeans have pointed out that Kenneth Clarke did unexpectedly well in the soundings of local party opinion during the leadership contest. However, these results may have given a misleading sense of the former Chancellor's popularity: All the other major contenders for the leadership came from the right of the party and so will have split the right's vote allowing Mr Clarke to win constituency support often with just 30-40% of the local vote.
Is the result of the ballot binding?
The answer to this is not clear-cut. As the Conservative Party famously does not
have a written constitution there are no binding rules on the operation of ballots.
Theoretically, the leadership could over-ride the result of the ballot of MPs,
e.g. if they opted to maintain the present position or voted for an extreme
electoral college.
However, in practice, it would place the leader in a very precarious position
if he was unable to carry his MPs with him, and was forced to over-ride their
wishes.
Ballot papers are to be returned to the 1922 Committee by 1200 (GMT)
on January 14. The Chairman of the 1922, Sir Archie Hamilton MP, will announce results at 1830 (GMT). An additional ballot will be held if the first proves inconclusive.
|
|
|||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||