McGuinness prickles at line of questioning

By Dominic Casciani
BBC News Online at the Saville Inquiry

Martin McGuinness has finished two days in the witness box at the Bloody Sunday Inquiry - and what have we learned? For starters, that Martin McGuinness does not take to the idea of a Martin McGuinness Inquiry. And he will not name the names of his former IRA colleagues - even if it incurs the distinct displeasure of Lord Saville.

Throughout his 14 or so hours in the spotlight, Sinn Fein's former education minister made it very clear he believed the Saville Inquiry had become one purely interested in his IRA past.

Martin McGuinness was once IRA's Derry commander

But given that the public interest - the inquiry set up a second public gallery with a live video link - Mr McGuinness's appearance was inevitably going to be the biggest event of the inquiry.

Why? Because here was one of Northern Ireland's most senior republicans partially lifting the veil on the most secretive guerrilla army in the world.

Switched to Provos

So we learned that Mr McGuinness joined the long-defunct Official IRA in 1970 before quickly switching for the Provisionals.

He became the Derry commander within two weeks of Bloody Sunday.

He told us how an "engineering officer" would have built a nailbomb.

Mr McGuinness told us why, in military terms, he thought it an "awful waste" to throw it at an army vehicle, rather than a soldier.

Truth and reconciliation

Northern Ireland does not have a South African-style truth and reconciliation commission.

Some people, including Mr McGuinness, think it might be necessary.

But the Saville Inquiry is the best anyone has got to date.

The Sinn Fein MP said, in respect to reconciliation, he had been wary of how his evidence may influence unionist opinion.

Here we go again with another trawl through the Martin McGuinness fixation Martin McGuinness

So Edwin Glasgow QC, counsel for some of the soldiers, had the very question in the interest of truth and reconciliation: "When exactly did Martin McGuinness stop being a member of the IRA?"

"Here we go again with another trawl through the Martin McGuinness fixation," said the witness.

"No, sir, it is not at all," said Mr Glasgow. "May I just explain to you, as you have been very concerned understandably to be treated in the same way as the soldiers - and it is precisely the same question word for word as was asked [of them]."

Mr McGuinness paused: "I left the IRA in the early part of the 1970s."

Independent tribunal

Mr McGuinness's evidence cannot be summed up simply. As expected he said the IRA did not have guns on the streets of Derry during Bloody Sunday.

Mr McGuinness refused to answer certain questions

But at the end of two days of verbal jousting, he stuck to his self-imposed "code of honour" and said he would not name the other IRA officers in 1972 Derry.

So his appearance became much more than just what he was doing on that cold but bright winter's day in 1972.

It became about the very nature of history and truth in Northern Ireland: what each side is prepared to say to the other, and what the very act of telling - or not - means in the peace process.

For instance Mr McGuinness said Derry's Catholics knew in their heart the truth of Bloody Sunday - the question was whether the tribunal would recognise this same truth.

It was his doubt that it would which had partly delayed him giving evidence.

"Looking to your right," said Mr Glasgow, "Would you accept that this is an international, independent and distinguished tribunal.

All you had to do to fall foul of the IRA in 1972 was to show sympathy for a soldier Edwin Glasgow QC

"I accept it is distinguished but I do not accept it is independent," said Mr McGuinness.

It was an echo of every single republican appearance before a British court over three decades. Then he paused, and asked for the opportunity to elaborate.

"I am casting no aspersions on any of the people sitting on this tribunal, none at all, because I am one of those people who travel in hope in relation to the peace process."

So, with reservations, he had appealed to other republicans to have confidence in the tribunal and to give what evidence they could.

Confidence in republicans?

But what about confidence in republicans? What about those who had evidence contrary to his world view, asked Mr Glasgow.

There was no evidence against the IRA, said Mr McGuinness, other than that concocted by informers, liars, and a "fairy tale" of his life penned by Sunday Times journalist Liam Clarke.

The inquiry is examining the events of 30 January 1972

"Would it be right, Mr McGuinness, to say that people in this city would have good reason to be concerned to ensure that they did not say anything that upset the Provisional IRA?"

"I do not see why that would be the case," he replied.

Mr Glasgow persisted with the line.

"All you had to do to fall foul of the IRA in 1972 was to show sympathy for a soldier.

I would like to think that I have, along with others, played a role in trying to alleviate the plight of relatives who have suffered a great injustice Martin McGuinness

"We saw this weekend, mercifully, the return of the body of a lady whose only crime had been to comfort a drying soldier and who, for that crime was taken from her children and buried in secret."

Mr Glasgow was referring to Jean McConville, the west Belfast mother of 10 whose body was recovered from a secret grave after her kidnap and murder by the IRA.

"I would like to think that I have, along with others, played a role in trying to alleviate the plight of relatives who have suffered a great injustice," said Mr McGuinness.