Europeans - including the British - have got used to the American gibe that we are trying to be an economic superpower while at the same time being a foreign policy and defence midget.
But amid signs of a new enthusiasm in France and Germany for a common European Defence Force there are equally familiar signs of alarm in Washington.
The row is over whether a rival to NATO is being created, with America's ambassador to NATO speaking of great dangers to the transatlantic relationship.
The EU's Commissioner for External Affairs, Chris Patten suggested to Gavin Esler that Europe really did have to do more on defence if it wants to be listened to.
CHRIS PATTEN:
EU COMMISSIONER FOR EXTERNAL AFFAIRS:
I think we have to do more in the
security field, for two reasons.
First of all, in order to correct
the impression that the Americans
have of us, not entirely unfairly,
that we are free-riders or free-
loaders. That we are prepared to
lecture them, to read them sermons,
but aren't actually prepared
sufficiently to pull our weight.
Now, that is an exaggerated
criticism when you look at the
number of UN peacekeeping operations
and so on around the world that we
are involved in, but nevertheless
there is a bit of truth in it. But
secondly, there will be occasions
- it was the case in the Congo,
where NATO doesn't want to get
involved. It's very important that
we Europeans should be able to get
involved.
GAVIN ESLER:
The other argument is that, if it
is a credible European force, it
would inevitably be a rival to NATO,
because otherwise it simply wouldn't
be credible. It would be doing the
things that NATO doesn't want to do
in a different way?
CHRIS PATTEN:
Well, I think here the Americans
don't make it easier for Mr Blair,
who I happen to think is winning
the argument in the European Union.
The Pentagon only in the last few
days has been leaking that Britain
is going soft on the red lines which
we have put around some of the
issues, which I will come to in a
moment. The Pentagon is to diplomacy
what the chainsaw is to pedicure.
They don't make it easier for their
best allies. So put that on one side.
Put on one side the fact that Mr
Rumsfeld talks not about allies but
about a toolbox, and speaking as a
Brit I don't much like being thought
of as part of a toolbox! Mr Blair
has been saying, "Look, it's perfectly
reasonable for us as Europeans to do
more for ourselves. And we can plan
strategically for doing more for
ourselves." But we don't need our own
command structure. If we set up our
own command structure for Europe, it's
bound to undermine what NATO is
doing. He has been arguing - and
I think, frankly, he is winning the
argument - that we should use the
five existing military commands that
there are in Europe, based on
national forces, and I think he can
hold the line on that.
GAVIN ESLER:
Isn't the problem for Britain that
the Pentagon consistently says
Europe must do more for its defence,
and every time Europe tries to do
more for its defence the Pentagon
says, "Not that more, a different
kind of more"?
CHRIS PATTEN:
Precisely. That is part of the
problem. There is a certain
schizophrenia in the Pentagon. They
want Europe to do more, but when it
does try to do more they start
giving the impression that they
think we are getting uppity. If the
Americans want us - as they should -
to do more for our own defence, then
they have to accept that that gives
us a rather larger voice in the
partnership.
GAVIN ESLER:
In terms of that, isn't Britain's
role in any future European Union
military force likely to be almost
wielding a practical beater, because
the French are saying it would be
incoherent without the British. The
British are saying it wouldn't be
possible to undermine NATO. In which
case future British prime ministers
would have a veto effectively in the
use of this force?
CHRIS PATTEN:
Without Britain and France working
together, frankly, European
initiatives have great difficulty
in getting off the ground. Germany
matters as well. Others make a
contribution, but the two keys -
whether it's military or diplomatic
- are Britain and France. I think
when we do see eye to eye, when we
do work together, it's in our mutual
interests to do so.
GAVIN ESLER:
Isn't that the core problem,
however? That the biggest problem
of our day, what to do about Iraq,
we still, Europeans do not speak
with one voice?
CHRIS PATTEN:
Yes, it is a problem. I am not
sure that it's very surprising,
because I think that Iraq went
right to the heart of some of the
biggest issues on the international
stage. Now, the French and the
Germans, and many people in this
country, think that the intervention
in Iraq was a war of choice rather
than a war of necessity. They now
recognise that, whether or not we
agreed with the intervention, we
all have a stake in seeing a stable
and democratic Iraq emerging. They
may not be very confident about the
way that process is being handled,
but I hope - I hope - that we have
all learned from this terrible
divisive row that we do make more
of a difference, that we are partners
who are listened to more when we
speak as one.
GAVIN ESLER:
Just a final thought. As an educated
observer in these matters, what do
you make of what's going on in the
Conservative Party?
CHRIS PATTEN:
Ah! The Conservative Party! Well,
I have been watching from a distance
and I just feel deeply saddened by
the present situation. The Conservative
Party in the '90s got into the habit
of tearing itself apart and it seems
to have some difficulty in shaking
that habit. It's still high on it.
So long as that's the situation, it's
going to find it very difficult to be
a credible opposition.
GAVIN ESLER:
Do you think Mr Duncan Smith should go?
CHRIS PATTEN:
I don't think anybody - I don't
think a combination of Disraeli and
Churchill could run the Conservative
Party effectively in the present
circumstances! Thank you very much.
This transcript was produced from the teletext subtitles that are generated live for Newsnight. It has been checked against the programme as broadcast, however Newsnight can accept no responsibility for any factual inaccuracies. We will be happy to correct serious errors.