CIA director George Tenet has issued a statement saying his agency should have prevented false claims about Iraqi nuclear fuel procurement from getting into a major speech by President Bush in the run-up to the war. The text of the statement follows:
Legitimate questions have arisen about how remarks on
alleged Iraqi attempts to obtain uranium in Africa made it
into the president's State of the Union speech.
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These 16 words [referring to the alleged nuclear
procurement] should never have been included in the text
written for the president
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Let me be
clear about several things right up front.
First, CIA
approved the president's State of the Union address before
it was delivered.
Second, I am responsible for the approval
process in my agency.
And third, the president had every
reason to believe that the text presented to him was sound.
These 16 words should never have been included in the text
written for the president.
Fact-finding
For perspective, a little history is in order.
There was fragmentary intelligence gathered in late 2001
and early 2002 on the allegations of Saddam's efforts to
obtain additional raw uranium from Africa, beyond the 550
metric tons already in Iraq.
In an effort to inquire about
certain reports involving Niger, CIA's
counter-proliferation experts, on their own initiative,
asked an individual with ties to the region to make a visit
to see what he could learn.
He reported back to us that one
of the former Nigerian officials he met stated that he was
unaware of any contract being signed between Niger and
rogue states for the sale of uranium during his tenure in office.
The same former official also said that in June
1999 a businessman approached him and insisted that the
former official meet with an Iraqi delegation to discuss
"expanding commercial relations" between Iraq and Niger.
The former official interpreted the overture as an attempt
to discuss uranium sales.
The former officials also offered
details regarding Niger's processes for monitoring and
transporting uranium that suggested it would be very
unlikely that material could be illicitly diverted.
There
was no mention in the report of forged documents or any
suggestion of the existence of documents at all.
Because this report, in our view, did not resolve whether
Iraq was or was not seeking uranium from abroad, it was
given a normal and wide distribution, but we did not brief
it to the president, vice president or other senior
administration officials.
We also had to consider that the
former Nigerian officials knew that what they were saying
would reach the US Government and that this might have
influenced what they said.
UK dossier
In the fall of 2002, my deputy and I briefed hundreds of
members of Congress on Iraq.
We did not brief the uranium
acquisition story.
Also in the fall of 2002, our British colleagues told us
they were planning to publish an unclassified dossier that
mentioned reports of Iraqi attempts to obtain uranium in
Africa.
Because we viewed the reporting on such acquisition
attempts to be inconclusive, we expressed reservations
about its inclusion, but our colleagues said they were
confident in their reports and left it in their document.
In September and October 2002 before Senate committees,
senior intelligence officials in response to questions told
members of Congress that we differed with the British
dossier on the reliability of the uranium reporting.
Niger claims
In October, the Intelligence Community (IC) produced a
classified, 90-page National Intelligence Estimate (NIE) on
Iraq's WMD programmes.
There is a lengthy section in which
most agencies of the intelligence community judged that
Iraq was reconstituting its nuclear weapons programme.
Let me
emphasise, the NIE's key judgments cited six reasons for
this assessment; the African uranium issue was not one of
them.
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This makes it even more troubling that the 16 words eventually made it into the State of the Union
speech. This was a mistake
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But in the interest of completeness, the report contained
three paragraphs that discuss Iraq's significant
550-metric-ton uranium stockpile and how it could be
diverted while under IAEA safeguard.
These paragraphs also
cited reports that Iraq began "vigorously trying to
procure" more uranium from Niger and two other African
countries, which would shorten the time Baghdad needed to
produce nuclear weapons.
The NIE states: "A foreign
government service reported that as of early 2001, Niger
planned to send several tons of pure 'uranium' (probably
yellowcake) to Iraq. As of early 2001, Niger and Iraq
reportedly were still working out the arrangements for this
deal, which could be for up to 500 tons of yellowcake."
The Estimate also states: "We do not know the status of this arrangement."
With regard to reports that Iraq had
sought uranium from two other countries, the Estimate says:
"We cannot confirm whether Iraq succeeded in acquiring
uranium ore and/or yellowcake from these sources."
Much
later in the NIE text, in presenting an alternate view on
another matter, the state department's bureau of
intelligence and research included a sentence that states:
"Finally, the claims of Iraqi pursuit of natural uranium
in Africa are, in INR's assessment, highly dubious."
An unclassified CIA white paper in October made no mention
of the issue, again because it was not fundamental to the
judgment that Iraq was reconstituting its nuclear weapons
programme, and because we had questions about some of the
reporting.
For the same reasons, the subject was not
included in many public speeches, congressional testimony
and the Secretary of State's United Nations presentation in
early 2003.
'Troubling' inclusion
The background above makes it even more troubling that the
16 words eventually made it into the State of the Union
speech. This was a mistake.
Portions of the State of the Union speech draft came to
the CIA for comment shortly before the speech was given.
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This did not
rise to the level of certainty which should be required for
presidential speeches, and CIA should have ensured that it
was removed
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Various parts were shared with cognizant elements of the
agency for review.
Although the documents related to the
alleged Niger-Iraqi uranium deal had not yet been
determined to be forgeries, officials who were reviewing
the draft remarks on uranium raised several concerns about
the fragmentary nature of the intelligence with National
Security Council colleagues.
Some of the language was
changed.
From what we know now, agency officials in the end
concurred that the text in the speech was factually
correct, ie that the British Government report said that
Iraq sought uranium from Africa.
This should not have been
the test for clearing a presidential address.
This did not
rise to the level of certainty which should be required for
presidential speeches, and CIA should have ensured that it
was removed.