| You are in: Middle East | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
|
Thursday, 12 December, 2002, 07:37 GMT
Viewpoint: Skilful Saddam plays to Arab opinion
In a new series, BBC News Online asks a range of contributors to comment on the conflict with Iraq.
Here, Daniel Neep of the Royal United Services Institute for Defence Studies (RUSI) argues that Saddam Hussein's aim is to encourage the Arab masses to rise up against their Western-leaning leaders.
Compliance with the demand to provide a complete, full and accurate accounting of its weapons of mass destruction (WMD) development programmes was never really in doubt: Iraq had little choice but to issue the declaration demanded of it by the international community.
The 12,000 pages of the declaration distracted attention from an open letter from Saddam Hussein to Kuwait. The professed intention was to set the record straight about the Gulf War, in which both Kuwait and Iraq were victims. Colonial legacy An oblique apology was offered for deeds which have been blamed on Iraq, but of which Iraq did not know - presumably a reference to the heavy-handed acts perpetrated by Iraqi troops in the invasion of Kuwait and the 600-plus Kuwaitis whose whereabouts is still a mystery.
The apology contained a barbed edge, however. Saddam Hussein once again demonstrated his supreme skill at manipulating the public opinion in the Arab street.
By wishing for the Kuwaitis what Saddam Hussein claimed to wish for his own people - namely the freedom to live "without foreigners controlling your destiny, will, decisions, wealth, present and future" - the Iraqi president quite neatly managed to remind the Arab street of his sterling nationalist credentials while simultaneously pointing to the degree to which other regimes have failed to maintain their independence. Not content to let the point be made by implication, he targeted Kuwait as one of the countries he had in mind. US troops The presence of foreign troops in the Arabian Peninsula has always been an object of concern to the Arab public, despite the recognition that they contribute to the stability of the region. Public misgivings regarding the presence of such troops are on the rise, a fact which owes more to increasing discontent with US foreign policy in the Israel-Palestine conflict rather than concern for the fate of Iraq.
"Why will not the faithful, the devoted and the holy warriors in Kuwait meet with their counterparts in Iraq under the blanket of their creator, instead of under the blanket of London or Washington and the Zionist entity, to discuss their matters on top of which is the jihad against the occupation of infidel armies?" he said. Re-awakening Only such a war would allow Kuwait and Iraq to eradicate the damage done by the Gulf War, the Iraqi leader explained. This would be the only way to cleanse the nation of its sins - not the Iraqi or Kuwaiti nation of course, but the Arab nation as a whole, still paying the price of its collaboration with the West, its betrayal of its authentic values and its inherent weakness. Only a revival could save the day, a rebirth of real Arab nationalism which would rid the region of foreign interference, neo-imperialist plotting and nefarious designs. The best vehicle for this rebirth is, naturally enough, the Baath of Saddam Hussein - not in its limited expression as a political party, but in the long-dormant sense of a re-awakening of consciousness across the Middle East. In his dying days, the Iraqi leader has rediscovered the roots of the party laid out by Michel Aflaq - a much broader, cultural understanding of Baathism rather than one which uses it as a mere vehicle to gain power. Saddam Hussein's tactic is to encourage the Arab masses to rise up against their leaders, a popular uprising without organisation or ideology.
Ironically, it may well be in the demise of the Baath party that the long-dormant renewal might occur. And it may not necessarily be for the best.
Daniel Neep is the head of the Middle East and North Africa programme at RUSI in London.
|
See also:
07 Dec 02 | Middle East
07 Dec 02 | Middle East
Internet links:
The BBC is not responsible for the content of external internet sites Top Middle East stories now:
Links to more Middle East stories are at the foot of the page.
|
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
|
Links to more Middle East stories |
![]() |
||
| ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
To BBC Sport>> | To BBC Weather>> | To BBC World Service>> ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------- © MMIII | News Sources | Privacy |