Here is the letter sent by more than 50 former British ambassadors to Tony Blair, urging him either to influence US policy in the Middle East or to stop backing it:
We the undersigned former British ambassadors, high commissioners, governors and senior international officials, including some who have long experience of
the Middle East and others whose experience is elsewhere, have watched with
deepening concern the policies which you have followed on the Arab-Israel
problem and Iraq, in close co-operation with the United States.
Following the press conference in Washington at which you and President Bush
restated these policies, we feel the time has come to make our anxieties public,
in the hope that they will be addressed in Parliament and will lead to a
The decision by the USA, the EU, Russia and the UN to launch a Road Map for
the settlement of the Israel/Palestine conflict raised hopes that the major
powers would at last make a determined and collective effort to resolve a
problem which, more than any other, has for decades poisoned relations between
the West and the Islamic and Arab worlds.
The legal and political principles on which such a settlement would be based
were well established: President Clinton had grappled with the problem during
his presidency; the ingredients needed for a settlement were well understood and
informal agreements on several of them had already been achieved. But the hopes
Nothing effective has been done either to move the negotiations forward or to curb the violence.
Britain and the other sponsors of the Road Map merely waited on American
leadership, but waited in vain.
Worse was to come. After all those wasted months, the international
community has now been confronted with the announcement by Ariel Sharon and
President Bush of new policies which are one-sided and illegal and which will
cost yet more Israeli and Palestinian blood.
Our dismay at this backward step is heightened by the fact that you yourself
seem to have endorsed it, abandoning the principles which for nearly four
decades have guided international efforts to restore peace in the Holy Land and
which have been the basis for such successes as those efforts have produced.
This abandonment of principle comes at a time when rightly or wrongly we are
portrayed throughout the Arab and Muslim world as partners in an illegal and
brutal occupation in Iraq.
The conduct of the war in Iraq has made it clear that there was no effective
plan for the post-Saddam settlement.
All those with experience of the area predicted that the occupation of Iraq
by the Coalition forces would meet serious and stubborn resistance, as has
proved to be the case.
To describe the resistance as led by terrorists, fanatics and foreigners is
neither convincing nor helpful.
Policy must take account of the nature and history of Iraq, the most complex
country in the region.
However much Iraqis may yearn for a democratic society,
the belief that one could now be created by the Coalition is naive.
This is the
view of virtually all independent specialists in the region, both in Britain and
We are glad to note that you and the president have welcomed the
proposals outlined by Lakhdar Brahimi.
We must be ready to provide what support
he requests, and to give authority to the United Nations to work with the Iraqis
themselves, including those who are now actively resisting the occupation, to
clear up the mess.
The military actions of the Coalition forces must be guided by political
objectives and by the requirements of the Iraq theatre itself, not by criteria
remote from them.
It is not good enough to say that the use of force is a matter for local
Heavy weapons unsuited to the task in hand, inflammatory language, the
current confrontations in Najaf and Falluja, all these have built up rather than
isolated the opposition.
The Iraqis killed by coalition forces probably total between 10,000 and 15,000 (it is a disgrace that the coalition forces themselves
appear to have no estimate), and the number killed in the last month in Falluja
alone is apparently several hundred, including many civilians, men, women and
Phrases such as `We mourn each loss of life. We salute them, and their
families for their bravery and their sacrifice,' apparently referring only to
those who have died on the Coalition side, are not well judged to moderate the
passions those killings arouse.
We share your view that the British Government has an interest in working as
closely as possible with the United States on both these related issues, and in
exerting real influence as a loyal ally.
We believe that the need for such influence is now a matter of the highest
If that is unacceptable or unwelcome there is no case for supporting
policies which are doomed to failure.
Signatories: Brian Barder; Paul Bergne; John Birch; David
Blatherwick; Graham Boyce; Julian Bullard; Juliet Campbell; Bryan Cartledge;
Terence Clark; David Colvin; Francis Cornish; James Craig; Brian Crowe; Basil
Eastwood; Stephen Egerton; William Fullerton; Dick Fyjis-Walker; Marrack
Goulding; John Graham; Andrew Green; Vic Henderson; Peter Hinchcliffe; Brian
Hitch; Archie Lamb and David Logan.
Christopher Long; Ivor Lucas; Ian McCluney; Maureen MacGlashan; Philip
McLean; Christopher MacRae; Oliver Miles; Martin Morland; Keith Morris; Richard
Muir; Alan Munro; Stephen Nash; Robin O'Neill; Andrew Palmer; Bill Quantrill;
David Ratford; Tom Richardson; Andrew Stuart; David Tatham; Crispin Tickell;
Derek Tonkin; Charles Treadwell; Hugh Tunnell; Jeremy Varcoe; Hooky Walker;
Michael Weir and Alan White.